On the other hand, given today’s parlous state of affairs in the EU, especially for those nations using the euro as their common currency, the future isn’t looking all that attractive. In fact, Norway’s peace prize committee was manifestly trying to throw the EU a lifeline, once again demonstrating just how politicized its decisions have become in recent decades. The eurozone is in crisis; economic growth has stalled; Greeks and Spaniards are rioting and protesting German hegemonism; and the war on terror continues unabated while the EU largely stands on the sidelines. In the traditionally euro-skeptic United Kingdom, public pressure for fundamental changes in Britain’s relationship with the EU is rising, and even in Germany, heartland of European integrationist sentiment, fellow feeling for those ungrateful Mediterranean countries is steadily declining.
This is hardly the way it was supposed to be, with nationalism gradually eroding and “Europeanness” emerging to replace it. To the contrary, in response to palpable economic distress, and the clear lack of leadership from top leaders either of the EU itself or its member states, nationalism is the default reaction. And why not? Nationalism, like religion and political ideology, is not simply a “superstructure” reflecting underlying economic forces as Karl Marx theorized. Instead, such social forces have their own unique causes and consequences. And while nationalism can certainly exacerbate actual substantive disagreements among countries, the real differences themselves are often entirely sufficient to cause tensions and ultimately hostilities. In short, the EU’s underlying theory is simply wrong, to the dismay of those who believe the EU would ensure peace in Europe.
In fact, if increasing the power and intrusiveness of the regulatory state; reducing the roles of elected officials and transferring their roles to bureaucrats in a distant capital; and squandering the ability to protect and defend oneself against hostile external forces is the goal, then the EU is certainly the model to follow. But doubters might be pardoned if they are concerned precisely because “sharing sovereignty” with other nations in the EU format, or though worldwide institutions, does not inevitably solve global problems. National governments, even in constitutional democracies, are hard enough to control, and the more distant the government from the individual citizen, the harder it gets. If government in Ottawa or Washington seems arrogant, and out of touch, what will happen on a global scale?
For democratic, constitutional societies, the primary question raised by proposals for global governance is measuring whether problem-solving capabilities are actually enhanced and whether the citizenry’s control over governmental decision making is reduced. In case after case, the argument for global government rests purely on aspirations for better results. The concrete reality is that involving nations without a history of respect for individual liberty and constitutional restraints on the authority of governmental power only threatens individual liberty.
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